Abraham Accords 6 min read

Gulf States & Israel Deepen Security Ties Amid Iran Threat

Abraham Accords: Building momentum on practical cooperation, but hurdles remain to broader regional peace.

Context

The Abraham Accords, brokered by the United States in 2020, represent a landmark shift in Middle Eastern geopolitics. These agreements – initially between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain, later expanded to include Morocco and Sudan – normalised diplomatic relations between the signatories, ending decades of hostility. The impetus stemmed from shared concerns, specifically the perceived threat from Iran, as well as evolving shared economic interests.

While Sudan’s participation has faltered following political instability and the October 2023 conflict in Gaza, the relationships with the UAE, Bahrain and Morocco have demonstrably deepened. The Accords haven’t resolved the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and remain contentious amongst some segments of Arab public opinion. However, they’ve opened avenues for cooperation in trade, tourism, and, crucially, security – areas traditionally blocked by political obstacles. Today, this nascent security cooperation is becoming more visible, driven by increasing regional instability.

Progress Made

Recent developments strongly suggest a growing integration of air defence systems between Gulf states and Israel. While detailed specifics are understandably classified, evidence points towards increasingly sophisticated joint military exercises and intelligence sharing. The rationale is clear: a unified approach to countering aerial threats, particularly ballistic missiles and drones proliferating throughout the region.

Reports indicate that the UAE has been at the forefront of this initiative, collaborating closely with Israel on early warning systems and interceptor technologies. Bahrain is actively involved in similar, albeit less public, collaborative efforts. These efforts aren’t simply about purchasing hardware; they involve integrating systems, establishing common operating pictures, and conducting joint training for rapid response scenarios.

This integration goes beyond reactive defence. Discussions are underway regarding establishing a unified and layered air defence network across the Gulf, potentially incorporating elements from the US military presence in the region. Such a system would utilise radar installations, interceptor missiles, and air force assets from multiple nations to create a more robust barrier against aerial attacks. Beyond the purely military, this broadening cooperation includes intelligence sharing regarding Iranian proxy activities and disruptive technologies. The goal is to create a deterrent credible enough to dissuade potential aggression and defend critical infrastructure – oil fields, desalination plants, and major urban centres.

This isn’t solely a top-down initiative; defence contractors from the US and Israel are actively involved, facilitating technology transfer and providing training. We are also witnessing increased diplomatic dialogue, focused on standardising protocols and data sharing, furthering the practical implementation of this security architecture.

Challenges

Despite the undeniable momentum, significant challenges remain to solidifying and expanding this security cooperation. The most immediate obstacle is the volatile situation in Gaza and the broader regional fallout from the conflict that began on October 7th 2023. The sharp rise in tensions has prompted some Gulf states to publicly distance themselves from overtly visible collaboration with Israel, mindful of domestic public opinion and concerns about appearing to support Israeli military actions.

Furthermore, trust-building remains an ongoing process. Historical animosities and differing strategic priorities can hinder full integration. Concerns among some Gulf nations about becoming overly reliant on Israeli technology or perceived as being drawn into a direct confrontation with Iran are prevalent. There’s also the internal political dynamic; shifting governments within the Gulf states can lead to halts or reversals in policy.

The US role is also complex. While Washington initially championed the Abraham Accords, its own relationship with Iran is fraught with tension. Balancing the security needs of its allies in the Gulf with preserving diplomatic channels with Tehran requires careful calibration, something that isn’t always successfully achieved. Finally, the lack of a comprehensive solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict continues to cast a shadow, providing ammunition for critics of normalisation and hindering broader regional acceptance of the evolving security landscape.

Israel-Iran Dimension

The deepening security ties between Gulf states and Israel are unequivocally driven, in large part, by a shared perception of the Iranian threat. Iran’s development of advanced ballistic missiles, its support for regional proxies – groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and various militias in Iraq and Syria – and its nuclear programme are all factors fueling this collaboration.

From Tel Aviv’s perspective, the expanding network effectively creates a regional ‘early warning’ capability and enhances Israel’s ability to defend itself against potential attacks originating from Iran or its proxies. For Gulf states, it offers a crucial layer of defence against Iranian aggression. They see Israel as possessing advanced military technology and intelligence capabilities that can compensate for their own vulnerabilities.

However, this dynamic also carries risks. Iran views the growing security partnership as a direct threat, potentially leading to escalation. The risk of miscalculation increases as these alliances solidify, and the potential for proxy conflicts to spiral into direct confrontation grows. The sophistication of Iranian drone warfare, demonstrated both in attacks on regional infrastructure and in its assault on Israel in April 2024, heightens anxieties and underscores the urgency of coordinated defensive measures. The prospect of a regional arms race, spurred by these concerns, is a significant factor. Merlows’ focus on normalisation is therefore intricately tied to this security dimension – the perception of shared threat is the core driver of the unfolding process.

Path Forward

The most realistic path forward involves continuing to build upon the existing foundation of incremental cooperation, focusing on practical security measures rather than attempting a sweeping regional security pact. Further integration of air defence systems, coupled with expanded intelligence sharing, is likely to remain the primary focus. Expect to see continued, though discreet, joint military exercises.

Addressing the concerns of Gulf states regarding over-reliance on Israel and potential entanglement in conflict with Iran will be vital. Transparency, coupled with assurances of mutual benefit and independent strategic decision-making, will be key. The US will need to play a facilitating role, reinforcing security guarantees to its allies while pursuing diplomatic solutions to de-escalate tensions with Iran.

Much hinges on the situation in Gaza. A renewed push for a two-state solution, even if unlikely in the short term, could help to alleviate regional tensions and create a more conducive environment for broader normalisation. Realistically, progress will be uneven and subject to setbacks. The region’s political landscape is volatile, and unforeseen events could easily disrupt the current trajectory. However, the fundamental drivers – shared security concerns and evolving economic interests – suggest that this trend towards greater security cooperation is likely to continue, albeit cautiously.

Source: Compiled from analysis of publicly available information, defence industry reporting, and regional political analysis relating to integrated Gulf air defence strategies and the Abraham Accords’ evolving security implications. No single source provided as information is synthesized from multiple reports and assessments.

About the Author

Noa Friedman

Israeli security analyst on defence cooperation and deterrence.

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